John Milbank and “red toryism”

This short piece from arch-Radical Orthodoxist John Milbank has generated a bit of buzz in the theologican blogosphere. Milbank seems to be calling for a socially conservative/economically leftist (or perhaps agrarian/distributist is a better description) “Red Toryism” to combat the hegemony of what he deems a failed neoliberalism (i.e. social liberalism plus relatively unregulated corporate capitalism or what Europeans call liberalism and Americans know as conservatism):

Jackie Ashley (This fight really matters, May 19) reveals the bizarre bankruptcy of the current British left. By every traditional radical criterion New Labour has failed: it has presided over a large increase in economic inequality and an entrenchment of poverty, while it has actively promoted the destruction of civil rights, authoritarian interference in education and medicine, and an excessively punitive approach to crime. But never mind all that, says Jackie Ashley and her ilk: on what crucially matters – the extending of supposed biosexual freedom and the licensing of Faustian excesses of science – it is on the side of “progress”.

Yet it is arguably just this construal of left versus right which is most novel and questionable. Is it really so obvious that permitting children to be born without fathers is progressive, or even liberal and feminist? Behind the media facade, more subtle debates over these sorts of issue do not necessarily follow obvious political or religious versus secular divides. The reality is that, after the sell-out to extreme capitalism, the left seeks ideological alibis in the shape of hostility to religion, to the family, to high culture and to the role of principled elites.

An older left had more sense of the qualified goods of these things and the way they can work to allow a greater economic equality and the democratisation of excellence. Now many of us are beginning to realise that old socialists should talk with traditionalist Tories. In the face of the secret alliance of cultural with economic liberalism, we need now to invent a new sort of politics which links egalitarianism to the pursuit of objective values and virtues: a “traditionalist socialism” or a “red Toryism”. After all, what counts as radical is not the new, but the good.

On the one hand, the article Milbank is responding to is virtually a shrill parody of go-go liberalism that allows for absolutely no limits on exploiting human embryos for scientific and medical purposes, and sees the dark specter of theocracy (especially Catholic) in any opposition to unbridled Brave New Worldism. Her article reads like a mirror version of some conservative writing you get over here: forget about war, poverty, the criminal justice system, etc. – it’s all about abortion!

Still, Milbank’s “new sort of politics” strikes some odd notes. For instance, what is he referring to by “hostility to religion, to the family, to high culture and to the role of principled elites”? Sounds a bit like “traditional values” boilerplate we get a lot of from Bill Bennett types. Moreover, and granting that what I don’t know about British politics could fill a library, who is the constituency supposed to be for this rather odd amalgam of religious traditionalism, culutral elitism, and economic egalitarianism?

I actually see some kind of social conservatism/economic liberalism combination having more promise here, but that’s partly because our version of social conservatism tends to be much more populist (see: Huckabee, Mike) and thus has a natural constituency. By contrast, an elitist, aristocratic conservatism combined with economic anti-capitalism has usually been the preserve of intellectuals (Coleridge comes to mind) and often seems to involve a rather dreamy picture of sturdy traditionalist yeoman farmers and artisans happily tending their fields and workshops. Appealing as that is in some ways, it’s hard to see it gathering much of a following on either side of the Atlantic.

For what it’s worth, the one really interesting recent example of genuine Red Toryism that I can think of is the Canadian philosopher George Grant, who was a Christian Platonist, an economic egalitarian, a sometimes-anarchist, a staunch opponent of war and empire, and a Jacques Ellul-style technophobe. But again, not exactly the basis for a mass political movement. The American political thinker Christopher Lasch also has some affinities with this outlook. While I think both can make valuable contributions to a sound political perspective (especially when it comes to criticizing the excesses of liberalism), I’m not convinced they can provide the whole package.

Comments

13 responses to “John Milbank and “red toryism””

  1. Of course, as we’ve discussed before Lee, the sort of categorical divisions which keep “populism” and “Red Toryism” and “socialism” and even some forms of “conseravtism” in separate camps are–I think, at least–more apparent than real. I think Lasch, Milbank, and Grant, for all their differences, were and are really talking about the same kind of society. Though as you observe, of course, such a society almost certain couldn’t ever truly be a “mass” one, which is why increasing I’ve had to acknowledge the role that localism and subsidiarity plays in all this.

  2. What I’m most puzzled about in Milbank’s (admittedly very short piece – a letter actually) is the talk about “principles elites.” What, I wonder, does this refer to? Is it Allan Bloom-style grousing about “cultural relativism”? A localist solution might make this seem less alarming, but how do you restore local authority in the context of a mass culture?

  3. That should be “principled elites” – with a “d” – natch.

  4. Hmm. Well, I’d like to see Milbank elaborate more on his claims here too (and he probably has, somewhere). My best guess is that he’s getting at those “elites” that play some “principled” role in society, meaning I presume a role which can be defended and justified on the basis of some set of historical principles, whether religious or communal or what have you. I would take it as an attack upon the cult of the meritocracy, more than anything else.

  5. The U.S. has its own caste of “prinicipled elites,”‘ though: the three branches of government really couldn’t be considered anything else. The Supreme Court, surely – and in a representative Republic, that’s what Congresspeople really are also.

    Actually, I’m coming to agree with Milbank on a lot of this – and I’ve always agreed with this take on the “Faustian excesses of science.”

  6. (This is actually the C.S. Lewis, “Mere Christianity,” understanding of things, I’d say, anyway.)

  7. Thanks, gang, for the clarification on the “principled elites” remark.

    I’m with you, bls, on the Faustian excesses too. (Lewis’ Abolition of Man is pertinent there, it seems to me). And isn’t it in Mere Christianity where he writes that an ideal Christian society would be economically left-wing and socially right-wing? (Though that would’ve meant something sort of different to Lewis than to us, but maybe not that far from what Milbank is getting at?)

  8. It is, Lee. Right here.

    If there were such a [fully Christian] society in existence and you or I visited it, I think we should come away with a curious impression. We should feel that its economic life was very socialistic and, in that sense, ‘advanced,’ but that its family life and its code of manners were rather old fashioned–perhaps even ceremonious and aristocratic. Each of us would like some bits of it, but I am afraid very few of us would like the whole thing. That is just what one would expect if Christianity is the total plan for the human machine. We have all departed from that total plan in different ways, and each of us wants to make out that his own modification of the original plan is the plan itself. You will find this again and again about anything that is really Christian: every one is attracted by bits of it and wants to pick out those bits and leave the rest. That is why we do not get much further: and that is why people who are fighting for quite opposite things can both say they are fighting for Christianity.

  9. Just to add: I’ve never understood why liberals are so gung-ho on things like stem-cell research.

    All of the liberal stuff I read when I was young would have been absolutely dead-set against it, I’m totally sure, on grounds of “the sanctity of human life.” Even secularists would have understood this way. I just don’t get where that view went, and why. I really do think liberals have sold out their heritage in so many ways.

  10. Sounds like “red toryism” isn’t so far from the official position of the Catholic Church.

  11. Camassia

    Hey Lee, sorry for an off-topic comment, but can you shoot me an email? The last one I have from you is your Verbum Ipsum address, and I don’t know if it’s working.

  12. Sounds like “red toryism” isn’t so far from the official position of the Catholic Church.

    I agree–much Catholic thinking on these sort of “seamless garmet” type issues merge social democracy, social justice, and social conservatism together in important ways.

  13. […] (I previously wrote about Red Toryism here.) […]

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