Who is my neighbor?

Okay, I guess I have something to say about the immigration issue after all. Not so much about the concrete policy proposals being offered, but about the kinds of moral issues raised by the debate. The question, as I see it, is something like this: do we have obligations to those with whom we have special relationships that we don’t have to strangers?

Some American Christians seem to answer this with a straightforward “no.” Appealing to the kind of values embedded in, say, the story of the Good Samaritan, they say that, as Christians, we can’t set any bounds to the circle of care, and that means we have no grounds for favoring our current fellow-citizens over immigrants who would like to come here.

Bob at I Am a Christian Too is particularly lucid on this point:

So what does our Christian faith have to say on the subject? I can’t see any biblical or theological basis for us to do anything but welcome immigrants, legal or illegal, with open arms. Jesus commands us to care for the least of these, and to love our neighbors whether Anglo, Latino or Samaritan. The Minutemen may think that they are patriots, but they certainly aren’t acting out of a Christian faith.

Some are against liberalizing immigration on economic grounds, arguing that illegal immigration results in huge social services costs. First, the economic research on this issue shows that immigration is a financial wash. But secondly, as Christians, are we going to withhold social services based on nationality or ethnicity? Does an American citizen’s life count for more in the eyes of God than an immigrant’s? Are we arguing that the wealthiest nation on the face of the planet can’t afford, or won’t afford, to educate and provide health care to families working inside its borders?

On the one hand, it seems undeniably true that an American citizen’s life does not “count for more in the eyes of God than an immigrant’s.” But there is a complication here: we’re not God. Each of us, finite creatures that we are, has only a limited amount of care to offer to others. We have to decide who we will devote ourselves to. And most of us, most of the time, think that we’re justified in expending our resources on people with whom we have particular relationships such as our family, our friends, the people in our immediate community, and our fellow citizens. We may imagine our obligations existing in a series of concentric circles with our immediate family and friends in the smallest circle, our acquaintances and neighbors in the next, and so on, with the intensity of our obligations diminishing as we proceed outward.

One may even see this arrangement as providential. Given that we can’t care for everyone, the world is arranged such that we best serve the common good by caring for those close to us.

Augustine put it this way:

[A]ll men are to be loved equally. But since you cannot do good to all, you are to pay special regard to those who, by the accidents of time, or place, or circumstance, are brought into closer connection with you. For, suppose that you had a great deal of some commodity, and felt bound to give it away to somebody who had none, and that it could not be given to more than one person; if two persons presented themselves, neither of whom had either from need or relationship a greater claim upon you than the other, you could do nothing fairer than choose by lot to which you would give what could not be given to both. Just so among men: since you cannot consult for the good of them all, you must take the matter as decided for you by a sort of lot, according as each man happens for the time being to be more closely connected with you. (On Christian Doctrine, Bk. I, Chap. 28)

Possibly, though, one may argue that, while my family and friends may have a greater claim on me than strangers, my fellow citizens have no special claim on me compared to the claims of foreigners. But this would seem to imply something far more radical than simply a generous immigration policy. Not only would it seem to require completely open borders, it would also seem to imply that America’s obligation to provide for the health, welfare, and security of everyone in the whole world was just as great as providing for those within her borders. After all, if citizenship isn’t a morally significant category, why should mere geographic proximity be? Rather than seeking to provide more for the relatively wealthy people in the U.S., shouldn’t Americans immediately divert all their available resources to, say, Africa? How can we justify witholding resources from those whose need is so much greater? Heck, illegal immigrants in the U.S. are arguably far better off than someone living in the Congo, so it seems that we’d be amply justified in ignoring the former and focusing on the latter.

This strikes me as a particularly acute dilemma for American liberals/progressives who typically want to increase levels of social spending here in the U.S. How can we possibly justify doing so when there are people whose need elsewhere in the world is so much more serious? But if you allow that it’s permissible for American welfare policies to favor people based on a morally arbitrary criterion (citizenship or residence), why is it impermissible for immigration policy to do the same? The alternative would be to concede that citizenship (or geographic proximity) isn’t a morally arbitrary fact after all, but that would also allow immigration policy to discriminate in favor of people who already live here or are already citizens. (One could make a similar argument about defense policy: why should the U.S. government “arbitrarily” protect only the lives of Americans? Isn’t an Iraqi or North Korean life worth just as much as an American life?)

Of course, even if it’s true that we have obligations to our fellow-citizens that we don’t have to foreigners, it’s not the case that we don’t have any obligations to the latter. There are certain obligations we have to everyone simply in virtue of the fact that they are fellow human beings. At a minimum, this means that we shouldn’t commit injustice against them. This provides a kind of check, if you will, on whatever obligations of special beneficence we may have to our kith and kin. It’s not okay for me to do something to benefit someone with whom I have a special relationship if it requires me to unjustly harm a stranger. And it’s possible that preventing someone from entering a country counts as harming them (though I’m far from certain about this), at least if it’s not required to forestall some greater harm like a crime of some sort.

Now some might argue that Christian ethics requires us to go beyone what is minimally required in terms of strict justice. We’re called to “go the second mile” and seek the good of the other, even the stranger or the enemy, and even at considerable cost to ourselves. And that seems right, but the question is whether this can be formulated in terms of general principles and applied to a question of national policy like immigration. Given the limitations of our knowledge and natural human sympathy, a government may well do better, as a matter of general policy, to give preference to its citizens while avoiding injustice to non-citizens than to attempt to legislate Christian charity.

In fact, such policies may well end up doing more harm than good. Suppose that the U.S. declared a policy of unconditional open borders along with welfare provision for every immigrant. Wouldn’t this act as a disincentive for foreign governments to adopt policies that would improve the lot of their worst-off citizens since they could “export” them to the U.S. (not to mention that such a policy would quickly bankrupt the country)? Some limits are inevitable, so we’re back to thinking about what basis on which to draw those limits. Of course, given our immense wealth as a nation it’s not implausible to argue that our capacity for helping strangers is tremendous, but it nevertheless isn’t unlimited. One still has to discriminate on some basis.

This isn’t an argument for any particular immigration policy, mind you. I’m simply saying that the nature of our existence as finite, embodied beings means that, unavoidably, we will show partiality to someone. Trying to love everyone equally, we would end up loving no one in particular. Better, I think, to seek the well-being of those we can and whose needs we’re in the best position to be intelligently informed about, and to avoid injustice in our dealings with everyone else. But it’s also important to keep in mind the ever-present call to move beyond our current circle of concern to consider the needs of those who we’ve previously ignored. While there are limits to the good we can do for others, it would be surprising if those limits coincided with what happen to be our current concerns.

Comments

2 responses to “Who is my neighbor?”

  1. jack perry

    Another question is this: should those who advocate a living wage for low-skilled workers — something which I can tentatively support — also advocate the one issue that, economically speaking, will most depress wages for low-skilled workers?

    It’s not true that Americans won’t work certain jobs. What’s true is that Americans won’t work certain jobs at the rate being offered. As long as we allow an influx of immigrants to increase the labor supply, the labor demand will correspondingly decrease. High supply and low demand lowers the price of labor.

    Surely Christ wouldn’t want us to allow unrestricted immigration (esp. undocumented immigration) simply so that we could keep prices at a level that we like, while paying them something that doesn’t even amount to a living wage.

  2. Gaius

    Lee might have gone on to ask, does the moral pointed up by the good Samaritan story mean Christians must oppose the closed shop?

    Favor desperate strikebreakers over more disciplined union men?

    When a company wants to close its union factory in a high wage state to move to a non-union factory in a low wage state, must Christians side with the company against the union?

    And if the company wants to close its plant in the US to open one in China?

    Must Christians actively encourage others to do the same?

    If Christians must allow people to move unhindered to where the plants are, must they not also allow the plants to move unhindered to where the people are?

    Must a Christian oppose import quotas and protective tariffs?

    Favor outsourcing?

    Are the WTO and the World Bank doing the Lord’s work?

    Does the Lord favor FTAA?

    Was Jesus a neoliberal?

    Was THAT the point – or even just part of the point – of the story of the good Samaritan?

    (And here I thought he was a social democrat!)

    Part of the issue for many Christians is that all they see in the opposition to immigration is racism.

    That, and the strange idea that the economics of it “is a wash.”

    “A wash?” If your job goes and your wages plunge because of the ready availability of low wage workers that is the point of allowing this immgiration for the employer class, how is that “a wash”?

    Phooey.

    On the other hand, Lee might want to reconsider some parts of his argument directed at American progressives and liberals.

    He seems to think they will reject the idea that, truth be known, America ought to provide health and welfare and education, etc, to the world’s most needy rather than to our own citizens.

    I suggest he might be in for a suprise.

    A whole lot of them, Christian or not, share the kind of globalist utilitarianism advertised by Peter Singer, who once famously argued that everbody in the developed world ought to give to the poorest of the world until everybody in the world was about equally well, or badly, off.

    An idea many progressives and liberals find quite appealing, up to a point.

    And it is really that that explains why they oppose free trade with fair trade, and supplement open borders with universal access for everybody in the country (at least!) to all government social services as well as full education and health care.

    Up to what point?

    The point at which it would mean they have no right to send Junior to college, but should give that money to Oxfam. Or no right to finish college, themselves.

    The point at which the personal sacrifice to themselves gets to be a little too unconfortable.

    Christian liberals, like most others, are perfectly willing to give until it hurts them.

    But not for one second longer. And well past the point where it hurts the despised American white working class.

    How much of this open-borders, help-the-foreigners-first attitude, I wonder, is owing to the fact that so many bloggers, Christian or otherwise, are quite young?

    They have no wives and children. No aging parents or grandparents on small, fixed incomes and pretty much completely depending on Medicare or Medicaid (or both) for drugs and health care, with them (the bloggers, personally) as the only backup.

    Yes, Mexicans have children and parents, too. But I have to take care of my own, first. If I cannot help everyone – and I certainly cannot – then they have priority. Family first, really.

    But the political order is larger than the familial. Partly to look out for my own family, and partly for independent reasons, I must look out for my own country, so far as I can and so far as this doesn’t conflict with more pressing duties, possibly to people outside my family and my country.

    Unlike Bob, who started all this, I am no “post-patriot.” Nor a “post-nationalist,” either.

    We as indivduals don’t get to choose the institutions or the historical situation we are born into.

    We are assigned a family, so to speak, at birth, and the corresponding moral obligations that go with that.

    Just as we are assigned a town, a state, a country … or even a church, perhaps. If, indeed, such things exist where and when we are born.

    Our inability to choose the role in which we are cast, the “starting point” for all our choices, does not relieve us of the burden of all these real, and equally assigned and unchosen, duties.

    But these are not truths the young willingly accept.

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