A Thinking Reed

"Man is but a reed, the most feeble thing in nature, but he is a thinking reed" – Blaise Pascal

Sovereignty, intervention, and self-interest

Russell Arben Fox points us to a debate between scholar Michael Berube and what he calls “the Z Magazine/Counterpunch Left.” In a nutshell, the Z/CP crowd, notably iconclastic leftist crank Alexander Cockburn (and I say that affectionately as someone who enjoys Cockburn’s writing), accuses Berube and other left-liberals of being insufficiently pure in their devotion to anti-interventionism, while Berube charges the Z/CPers with making a fetish out of national soveriegnty (e.g. in their opposition to the wars in Yugoslavia and Afghanistan in addition to the Iraq war; Berube opposed the Iraq war but supported the other two) and dubs them “the Sovereignty Left.” The point being, I take it, that it’s odd for leftists, who are supposed to be internationalists, to elevate the principle of national sovereignty to some kind of absolute, especially considering that most actually existing nation-states are controlled by the kinds of pernicious elites that leftism purportedly stands against. Meanwhile, the Z/CP-style response is that they’re not “pro-sovereignty” so much as they’re anti-imperialist. It has all the classic features of a intra-sectarian left-wing ideological battle. Russell also adds his own thoughts on the whole kerfuffle.

Now, interesting as this all is, I have to say there is a certain surreal quality to this debate. What you have is various species of left-winger arguing about how best the U.S. government can serve the interests of foreigners in faraway lands. Should we leave them alone or selectively intervene to protect human rights? In the whole debate there is little or no discussion of the interests of Americans.

I speculate that this is part of the reason that a lot of leftish ideas never gain any traction with most Americans. Polls consistently show that many Americans favor left-of-center policies, especially on economic issues, but if left-wing intellectuals frame their policies in terms of benefitting humanity at large rather than their fellow citizens, it’s only natural that most people, who, after all, think most about the well-being of themselves and their families, their communities, and their own country and certainly put it ahead of the interests of the citizens of other countries, will tune them out. Right or wrong, most people seem to exist within concentric circles of concern that diminish in intensity the farther they get from kith and kin.

There was, to my mind, a perfectly good case agains the Iraq war that took American self-interest as the primary, if not sole, criterion: there was no demostrable or imminent threat from Iraq; the consequences of going to war were unpredictable; we had our hands full with the pursuit of al-Qaeda, etc. A variation on the same could be said about most of the USA’s other military interventions over the years. The bar for spending one’s own blood treasure ought, logically, to be high. This doesn’t mean that moral concerns aren’t also important, but if you don’t even reach the bar of self-interest then there’s no need to worry about the moral veto on your proposed action.

And I personally think there are good reasons, at least at the national level, to take this kind of broadly self-interested view combined with what I would call moral side constraints on how we can treat others. To put it another way, what philosophers call “positive duties” are largely concerned with obligations to kith and kin, while “negative duties” (e.g. do no harm) extend to everybody. So, it’s entirely proper that a nation’s foreign policy be conducted primarily with the aim of protecting its own citizens, as long as in so doing it doesn’t inflict injustice on others. Some liberals and leftists have a hard time making peace with this idea, since it flies in the face of universalist and cosmopolitan tendencies that are deeply rooted in those outlooks (though more among intellectuals than actual politicians, most of whom tend to be unabashedly nationalist). But whether or not it’s a morally correct position, it’s important to recognize that it’s one that many, perhaps most, Americans hold. (It’s worth pointing out that there’s a species of internationalist universalism among some neoconservatives on the right that seems just as out of touch with sound patriotic concern for the well-being of one’s own country.)

My point is simply this: whatever your idea of a saner American foreign policy is, it should first and foremost be a pro-American policy. I think this both because it’s the first duty of a government to look after its own citizens, but also because it’s the only policy that’s likely to actually sell.

11 responses to “Sovereignty, intervention, and self-interest”

  1. You should stick to Christian vegetarianism.

  2. Um, crushing rebuttal, thanks! Care to elaborate?

  3. BTW, great article on the pressing topic of red-baiting among obscure mid-level academics, Louis.

  4. Thanks to Joshie for the link to my answer to Berube. It answers Lee’s request for elaboration. With respect to Lee’s take on this matter, I would only say that national sovereignty is not an absolute. It was absolutely necessary for the Vietnamese to go into Cambodia and clean out the Khmer Rouge, just as it was necessary for Tanzanian troops to take on Idi Amin. What this has to do with the hundreds of American military interventions over the past 2 centuries is anybody’s guess.

  5. LP – not sure we’re really disagreeing here.

    Just for the record: as far as I can tell, deeming Cockburn et al. “the Sovereignty left” is not an accurate characterization. As you say, hardly anyone deems national sovereignty to be an absolute principle (though we might well say that those who would violate it bear the burden of proof).

    What I was trying to point out was what I imagine would be the failure of an argument between different varieties of left-wing internationalists to connect to the majority of Americans. On the substantive questions of war & peace I’m probably much closer to the Z Mag/Counterpunch axis than what I take to be the moderate interventionism of Berube, Gitlin, et al. (not that it much matters what little ole me thinks about such things), but to couch it in terms that appeal either to a kind of anticolonial ideology or left wing internationalism strikes me as somewhat quixotic. But! – there is certainly a uniquely American brand of anti-imperialism/anti-militarism that could stand a renaissance IMO.

  6. Thanks for the link, Lee.

    “As far as I can tell, deeming Cockburn et al. ‘the Sovereignty left’ is not an accurate characterization. As you say, hardly anyone deems national sovereignty to be an absolute principle (though we might well say that those who would violate it bear the burden of proof).”

    And yet, I would insist that there is a point to the characterization, even if it’s such a tangential point that it isn’t worth exploring. Very simply–far more simply than I put it in my post–a respect for “sovereignty” broadly conceived (that is, in terms of culture and peoplehood and publics and so forth) really can be hooked up with a certain kind of revolutionary leftism, one which has over the past twenty years (or more) become suspicious of international law and international institutions because in the post-Cold War world, those regimes and organizations have become the unwitting allies of Western capitalism. Real evolutions of political consciousness, this group would argue, have to arise organically, not be carried along by the commodities and lures of the liberal West. Hence, the need for real leftists to just say no to any kind intervention, especially one performed by the hegemonic economic power of the planet.

    Your own concern for a “pro-American” foreign policy, Lee, seems to br primarily a creation of a prudent Christian realism…yet to the extent that setting up self-interest as a requirement means acknowledging the needs of a “self” (in this case, a nation), you’re got something in common with Cockburn: you’re both suspicious of easy universalisms which ignore where people really live. That’s not to say you’re a Counterpunch guy, but it perhaps explains a little why you find some of what he writes appealing.

  7. Russell, yeah I see the similarity there. I think there’s definitely some truth in that notion that different peoples have to work out their own destinies, as it were.

    I don’t have this all worked out, but I want to see attachment to a particular place and people as a function of our embodiment and finitude and, therefore, as part of God’s providential ordering of creation.

    Augustine says in On Christian Doctrine:

    [A]ll men are to be loved equally. But since you cannot do good to all, you are to pay special regard to those who, by the accidents of time, or place, or circumstance, are brought into closer connection with you. For, suppose that you had a great deal of some commodity, and felt bound to give it away to somebody who had none, and that it could not be given to more than one person; if two persons presented themselves, neither of whom had either from need or relationship a greater claim upon you than the other, you could do nothing fairer than choose by lot to which you would give what could not be given to both. Just so among men: since you cannot consult for the good of them all, you must take the matter as decided for you by a sort of lot, according as each man happens for the time being to be more closely connected with you.

    Obviously there’s some potential tension between any kind of particularism and the universalist thrust of Christian morality, one that may not be resolved by neatly distinguishing between negative and positive duties as I’ve tried to do here. And the whole thing is complicated by the fact that the USA often isn’t content to be a nation among nations, but often fancies itself the universal nation or, dare I say, the “indispensable” nation. In other words, I take it to be an open question whether it’s really possible to be a “Little Americanist” (analogous to a “Little Englander”).

  8. It would seem to me than an intelligent leftist (not to say Marxist) policy would have to be based on the idea that discussing sovereignty in the abstract is a topic solely for bourgeois thinkers. International laws are to be judged on which side they serve in the class and national liberation struggles. In any case of armed conflict the question is, which side in this conflict is serving the interests of the proletariat and colonized peoples, or to put it in other words, which side is promoting the interests of those classes who will overthrow capitalism and imperialism in its heartland (i.e. since 1945, the United States).

    One should thus argue that Vietnam overthrowing the Khmer Rouge is to be supported (because Vietnam was a major element in the then Soviet-led coalition against capitalism, while Khmer Rouge was part of the peasant-based rougue left opportunism that in the end always ends up allying with imperialism — see Maoism in the 1970s). Ditto for the Soviet Union invading Hungary in 1956 or Czechoslovakia in 1968, except that in these case the intervention is all the more clearly necessary to crush open counterrevolution.

    The US overthrowing Saddam, or intervening in Darfur is simply straight forward imperialism, as Saddam then (and the Khartoum regime now) represents the anti-imperialist position of the Arab people, while minorities like the Kurds and the Fur are inevitably reactionary in their politics, as befits their semi-feudal and backward position in the Iraqi/Sudanese national economies.

    Such a position is not “international” in thinking (that would be a bourgeois fallacy of adopting some standpoint over and above class interests in the name of some mythical humanity), but directed coherently and consciously to the overthrow of American imperialism. It is anti-American in the sense of anti- American imperialism. As Howard Zinn said “You can’t be neutral on a moving train”: all those not orienting their policy around the ultimate aims of defeating US soldiers wherever they are stationed and injuring US business interests wherever they are exploiting people is actually supporting American imperialism.

    Well, that’s what I would say if I was an unrepentatant Marxist, as “Louisproyect” claims to be. But I’m not, so I won’t.

  9. Lee,
    Great post. What you need is not Augustine here but Genesis, specifically, the Tower of Babel and the table of nations.

    Augustine was writing in the Roman empire. Good for evangelism, bad for recognizing the importance of nations.

  10. I know it wasn’t directed toward me, but that never stopped me before.

    CPA, I’m unclear on what your mean by “Good for evangelism, bad for recognizing the importance of nations.” and how that relates to the tower of babel story.

  11. What I meant was, that the start-up of the Christian church in the Roman empire meant that there were no political bounds to restrain evangelism (except with the Persian empire). That meant, once the Jew-Gentile gap was jumped, no further cultural conflicts really need be negotiated. Everyone who isn’t a Jew is more or less a Greek (or Greco-Roman). Evangelism among the barbarians (Scythians, etc.) played no role in early Christian life before Ulfilas of 375 or so. So the Roman empire made it easy for evangelism to spread through the Mediterranean.

    On the other hand, it also meant that theologically, the idea of a world of nations in the early church was not seen as possible or desirable. There was only “the empire” “Rome” and nothing beyond that. As a result, going to the patristic writers for informed discussion of the value and/or danger of non-universal government, is like going to them for the value of labor-saving technology or biomedical research — not having the thing, they don’t have any reflection on the thing. So the tower of Babel has only the most theoretical signficance for them, since everybody who matters speaks one or at most two languages: Greek and/or Latin.

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