Category: Religion and society

  • The immortality diet

    This article about one writer’s attempt to practice the so-called Calorie Restriction Diet is very interesting. The CR diet, which essentially entails keeping one’s caloric intake to near-starvation levels has a fair bit of scientific evidence indicating that it may substantially increase one’s lifespan.

    Indeed, some of the practicioners seem to think it could provide the gateway to immortality, in conjunction with “the Singularity” (aka the Rapture for nerds):

    “Kurzweil thinks we will reach actuarial escape velocity pretty soon,” says Don. “What do you think, Michael?”

    Michael pauses to collect his thoughts, and while he does, let’s fill in a blank or two. Ray Kurzweil is an occasionally best-selling futurist, given to flamboyant but well-researched predictions about the “transhumanist” century ahead of us, in which hyperbrainy artificial intelligence, fiendishly intricate nanorobotry, genome-twiddling Frankentech, and other incipient techno-marvels combine to reinvent humanity in the image of the machine. Swirling in the midst of it all is the key concept of “actuarial escape velocity,” a transhumanist term for that moment in the acceleration of biomedical progress when, for every year you live, technology adds another year or more to your maximum life span. It’s a tipping point that, theoretically at least, never stops tipping.

    “I would like to hope 50 to 100 years,” says Michael, speaking carefully. He’s well aware what kind of weight that his day job, assisting the maverick life-extension theorist Aubrey de Grey, gives his words with people like Don. “Fifty to 100 years,” says Don, chewing thoughtfully on his lip. “That may be too late for me.”

    “It may be too late for me,” says Michael. But the truth is, once you accept that actuarial escape velocity is out there waiting for you, a single point in time that marks the gates of immortality, it’s never too late to hope your life will intersect with it—and there isn’t much you wouldn’t do to minimize your chances of missing it by so much as a day. With stakes like that in play, even a lifetime of hunger seems a small price to pay.

    By the end of the article the author has given up on the CR diet, in no small part due to his increasing awareness of the cult-like qualities of its adherent. He then offers some reflections on why someone like him would be attracted to such an apparently extreme lifestyle:

    I know: What was I thinking? But do you really need to ask? The workings of a heart and mind like mine are no mystery. I’m your average midlife secular professional—reasonably well adjusted, as the profile goes—a little tightly wound, but aren’t we all? Like the tail-end baby- boomer I also am, I grow more intimate each day with the fears of mortality already gripping the rest of my generation, and lacking spiritual faith, I am perhaps inordinately susceptible to scientific promises of longer, healthier life. I’m of the generation that made marathon running a popular pastime, for God’s sake, so fleshly discomfort in the name of self-involved achievement is a surprisingly easy sell. Throw in a promise that any undue pain and suffering will be masked or compensated by a psychic well-being possibly chemical in origin, and the deal is just about clinched.

    I won’t belabor the point: Just take a good look around your neighborhood, your place of work, your therapist’s waiting room. Take a good look in the mirror maybe, too. That ought to be enough to tell you CR’s growth from cult to subculture to fact of mainstream cultural life is not so unimaginable. Yes, CR flies in the face of common sense, but it’s got the preponderance of scientific evidence on its side. Yes, it’s a little crazy, but the crazinesses it requires are only those already endemic to our age and area code. And yes, by any objective standard, the food is lousy, but believe me: Starve yourself long enough and even a tofu-coffee-macadamia-nut-and-flaxseed smoothie becomes ambrosia.

    So if you’ve read this far and still think you could never, ever, do what my five dinner guests do to themselves every day, don’t kid yourself. I’ve seen the future, and it’s hungry.

    The obvious angle here is the secular loss of faith in anything beyond death leading to a frantic grasping at scientific promises of immortality. But there’s also a class angle. Working-class people, in my experience, are much more fatalistic about the body’s limits and its eventual breakdown. Middle and upper-class professionals, by contrast, see these as problems to be overcome by means of some technocratic fix. As Christopher Lasch wrote in his book The True and Only Heaven, working class culture is more attuned to the idea that life has certain inherent limits. Not everything in the human condition is a problem to be overcome; some aspects of it are there to be suffered.

    But there is a tension here that isn’t easily resolvable in one direction or the other. No one thinks that we should simply accept disease, suffering, physical and mental breakdown, etc. as facts of life and do nothing to alleviate their effects. Awareness of life’s limits can become fatalism. On the other hand, quests for a kind of techno-immortality can lead people both to employ immoral means in its pursuit and to confuse quantity of life with quality (to take a trivial example: would you want to live forever if it meant you had to eat the kind of food prescribed by the CR diet?).

    Christianity has generally held these two impulses in tension, without fully giving in to one or the other. Alleviating suffering has always been regarded as a good, as Jesus’s healings and the church’s commitment to works of mercy demonstrate. But this life is not an end in itself, or something to be prolonged at all costs. Christians have been taught to sit loosely to this life, being willing to suffer and even die as witnesses to their faith, with the confidence that there is something greater in store beyond the limits of the present world.

    Maybe these tendencies can be held together because confidence in the resurrection allows Christians not to be anxious about their own survival, thus freeing them to attend to the needs of others. Christianity has never been primarily about extending one’s own life – that’s God’s business. Becuase our lives are hidden with Christ, we’re free to be “little Christs” to our neighbors, as Luther put it. By contrast, secular schemes for immortality like the CR diet end up being incredibly self-centered. How do you have time for your neighbor when you’re so busy obsessing about your caloric intake?

  • Diocese of Mass: Just say no to marriage?

    Some priests in the Episcopal diocese of Massachusetts are sponsoring a resolution to be considered at the upcoming diocesan convention that would get the church out of the business of marrying people. Instead, couples would have to get married by a justice of the peace and could then come to the church for a blessing if they wanted.

    Depending on who you talk to, this is either a blow for equality or an act of devotion to the principle of the separation of church and state. Either way, Unitarian Universalist blogger Philocrites isn’t impressed.

  • A Marxist defends God

    Terry Eagleton lays the smack down on Richard Dawkins (via Brandon). The influence of Herbert McCabe, O.P., one of Eagleton’s friends and mentors, really comes through here.

    In his book After Theory, Eagleton even argues for a kind of Thomistic Aristotelianism as a philosophical foundation for left-wing politics and an alternative to postmodernist nihilism (See Paul Griffiths’ review here).

  • "Christian" politics

    I was flipping through my copy of C.S. Lewis’s God in the Dock last night after being referred to his essay on vivisection by the Andrew Linzey article I blogged about yesterday. But I also read his very interesting essay “Meditation on the Third Commandment,” which deals specifically with the role of Christians in politics.

    Lewis is responding to calls at the time to form a “Christian” political party and he points out several flaws in the idea. Any Christian party, Lewis argues, would have to confine itself to “stating what ends are desirable and what means are lawful, or else it must go further and select from among the lawful means those which it deems possible and efficacious and give to these its practical support.”

    But if the party does the former, it’s not a proper political party since everyone agrees in the desirability of certain ends (freedom, security, a living wage, etc.) and all Christians should agree that certain means are lawful or unlawful (by which Lewis means moral or immoral). To get into the field of politics proper is to make claims about which means are the best for acheiving the desired ends.

    But if this is the case, then the “Christian party” will be impaled on the second horn of Lewis’s dilemma. Any Christian party that promotes certain means will be identifying Christianity as such with a particular political program. Since any party has to adopt some program it will inevitably have to attach itself to unbelievers who share that program in order to be effective. So, what you’ll actually end up with, Lewis says, is a Christian-socialist party, or a Christian-conservative party, or even a Christian-fascist party.

    Whatever it calls itself, it will represent, not Christendom, but a part of Christendom. The principle that divides it from its brethren and unites it to its political allies will not be theological. It will have no authority to speak for Christianity. … But there will be a real, and most disastrous, novelty. It wil be not simply a part of Christendom, but a part claiming to be the whole. By the mere act of calling itself the Christian Party it implicitly accuses all Christians who do not join it of apostasy and betrayal.

    The problem is that in choosing among means to acheive politcal goals we are often tempted to grant them a kind of divine imprimatur:

    All this comes from pretending that God has spoken when He has not spoken. He will not settle the two brothers’ inheritance: “Who made Me a judge or divider over you?” By the natural light he has shown us what means are lawful: to find out which one is efficacious He has given us brains. The rest He has left to us.

    It seems to me that both our Christian Right and our Christian Left could stand to remember not to claim that God has spoken when he has not spoken. Just the other day I read from the omnipresent Jim Wallis, apropos of a new group he and some other left-leaning evangelicals have launched to agitate for intervention in Darfur, that “what God requires of us couldn’t be clearer.” But if Lewis is right, this is a pretty presumptuous claim to make. We shouldn’t append “Thus saith the Lord” to our human political judgments.

    There is a problem with Lewis’s account though. He suggests, as an alternative to a political party, the formation of a “Christian Front” or “Christian Voter’s Society” that would “draw up a list of assurances about ends and means which every member was expected to exact from any political party as the price of his support.” Maybe at the time he wrote he could assume that all, or nearly all, Christians would agree about “what means are lawful.” But there are now, and probably were then, Christians who disagree about which means are licit and illicit. Christians disagree about whether innocent life may ever be intentionally taken, whether torture is always wrong, whether homosexual acts are “intrinsically disordered” and so forth. There is an ethical pluralism among Christians far beyond what probably existed in Lewis’s time. He assumes that the “natural light” makes it clear which acts are intrinsically wrong, but many of us are a great deal less confident about that.

    Of course, this only strengthens his main point. If Christians can legitimately differ over such things, the claim of any one party to be the “Christian party” is further undermined. It does, however, make difficult a united Christian witness on the issues of the day.

  • The theologian as amateur economist

    Usually any book review symposium will have a mix of negative and positive reviews, but the one on Kathryn Tanner’s Economy of Grace in the most recent Journal of Lutheran Ethics – not exactly a right-wing rag – has four pretty scathing reviews.

    In fairness, I haven’t read Prof. Tanner’s book, but if these reviews are at all accurate it sounds like she may be guilty of what seems to be a common failing among theologians who write about economics – being long on moral prescription and short on actually coming to grips with the findings of the discipline.

    I’m not saying that economists are infallible – far from it. But we can’t simply wish away things like scarcity and trade offs because they don’t gel with the way we think the world should be. If economics provides an accurate – if partial – understanding of the way the world works, then Christians should use that knowledge to help craft policies that make people better off.

    For a good introduction to a variety of Christian perspectives on these issues I’d recommend the book Wealth, Poverty, and Human Destiny, edited by Doug Bandow and David Schindler.

  • "The Muslim Gandhi"

    A friend of mine sent me this article from the New Yorker on the life and death of Mahmoud Muhammad Taha, a radical Islamic cleric in Sudan who was executed for opposition to the government. The twist is that Taha was a radical progressive, an exponent of a liberal reinterpretation of Islam.

    Taha’s direct influence seems small, but the article suggests that the Sudanese are wearying of Islamism and that a vision like Taha’s may have a futre in the Islamic world. It’s a long, but fascinating, read.

  • Pope notes

    A round up of Muslim bloggers’ responses to Pope Benedict’s speech (via Fr. Jim Tucker).

    The pope’s address is well worth reading quite apart from the ensuing brouhaha. Of particular interest to me is his association of a voluntarist view of the divine nature and various programs of “de-Hellenization” with certain forms of Protestantism. Luther and Calvin have certainly been grouped under a voluntarist label, though there are clearly strains in Protestantism that have a more positive view of the role of reason and Christianity’s Greek inheritance (Hooker, perhaps?).

    Also worth noting is Benedict’s call, not for repudiating the Enlightenment, but for recovering a more robust view of reason that goes beyond a verificationist epistemology that leads to a scientistic reductionism in our metaphysics.

  • NRCAT message on S. 3861

    I received this message from the National Religious Coalition Against Torture identifying certain Republican senators who might be persuaded to support Sen. McCain in opposing the White House’s Military Commissions Act of 2006 which, among other things, would authorize “secret CIA interrogation facilities around the world that have permission to use an ‘alternative set of interrogation procedures.’”

    One of the Senators they identify as persuadable on this issue is Arlen Specter which is, I presume, why I received it. But now that I’m ensconsed in a true blue state, I have no Republican senator to bug. However, if one of these guys is your senator, and you feel strongly about this, you might consider registering your opinion with him.

    Here’s the message in full:

    Republican Senators Warner, Graham, and McCain have been stalwart in opposing the adminitration’s “Military Commissions Act of 2006,” S. 3861. As the floor action in the Senate looms in the week to come, these three Senators need the support of other Republican senators who will stand with them against the tremendous pressure being exerted by the administration to pass the president’s statute – authorizing secret CIA interrogation facilities around the world that have permission to use an “alternative set of interrogation procedures” (what most people would call torture, and all people would call brutal, degrading, and terrifying).

    Four senators that could offer that Republican support on the Senate floor are Sen. Mike DeWine (Ohio); Sen. Chuck Hagel (Nebraska); Sen. Arlen Specter (Pennsylvania); and Sen. John Sununu (New Hampshire). This email from the National Religious Campaign Against Torture is being sent to you because you live in one of these four states, and could have a lasting impact on this legislation with your phone call. Get connected to your Senator’s Washington, DC office through the Capitol Switchboard at 202-225-3121.

    Please encourage your senator to do the right thing. Tell your senator that you oppose the president’s “Military Commissions Act of 2006,” S. 3861. This legislation is on a fast-track and must be defeated, or at least slowed down. It will be debated on the Senate floor next week.

    History will look back on the congressional actions on this proposed legislation either as the time when the U.S. abandoned statutory commitment to its long-held moral values for a shameful lesser standard, or as the time when Congress reaffirmed the U.S. commitment to its basic moral values. Here are some talking points you can use in your calls to your Senator or the Senator’s staff:

    As a constituent and a person of religious faith, I urge the senator to reject the White House’s proposal, the “Military Commissions Act of 2006,” which would dangerously redefine the U.S. standard of conduct toward detainees.

    This legislation would not only open the door to prisoner abuse by the CIA, it would violate the core principles of the Geneva Conventions.

    U.S. adherence to its present standard for treatment of detainees:- makes our soldiers and citizens abroad safer from retaliatory and punitive treatment;- disempowers those who would make martyrs of the tortured and the abused; and- makes our nation safer and more secure.

    Thank you for joining NRCAT, www.nrcat.org, in our efforts to abolish U.S.-sponsored torture now – without exceptions.

    Click here to read detailed background information and analysis of the Administration’s Proposed “Military Commissions Act of 2006”.

  • The church of the future?

    Here’s an interesting piece about the community that has grown out of Mars Hill Church in Seattle. While it has some of the heavy breathing about conservative Christians you’d expect to find at Salon (“Within this movement lies something as old as America itself, and as terrifying and alluring as anything Orwell predicted”), the author seems to get that this kind of tight-knit community is filling a void in many people’s lives, especially those who’ve come from broken homes, or have had problems with drugs, or generally don’t fit in with our idea of respectable church folk.

    Now, personally, there’s a lot about Mars Hill, at least as described in this piece, that I find objectionable and even a bit creepy. The combination of hipster culture and dispensational theology for starters. Not to mention the strident anti-feminism and the emphasis on obedience (at least as quoted in this piece, Mark Driscoll, the head pastor, seems much more a law than gospel kind of guy).

    But at the same time, it’s pretty darn difficult to imagine a mainline church mounting a life-changing project like this. It’s easy for mainliners to use the things they think are wrong about conservative evangelicals as an excuse for not learning from them. Not that I’m eager to run off and join an intentional community, but something like Mars Hill seems to be in an entirely different league from shallow self-help prosperity gospel tripe or your standard megachurch. Lots of young people in particular seem interested in a faith that is demanding and requires commitment and transformation. If the more traditional churches don’t think about what that might mean for them, other churches will pick up the slack.